Introduction

Agricultural communities, particularly those engaged in subsistence farming, often display social behavior closely linked to religious practices and beliefs (1), a pattern also noted in classic ethnographic studies of rural Islamic societies, such as Bowen’s examination of Gayo Muslim communities in Aceh (2). In Indonesia, where Islam is the predominant religion, these religious values traditionally function as the moral foundation of community life (3). However, increased economic pressures on farming households have begun to shift these patterns (4). In Kelurahan Pajar Bulan, farmers devote most of their time to labor-intensive coffee and vegetable cultivation, limiting their participation in communal and religious practices and, consequently, weakening forms of social cohesion previously supported by shared religious routines.

Studies show that religiosity often conceptualized through multidimensional frameworks such as belief, ritual practice, religious experience, knowledge, and consequences significantly influences social interaction, communal solidarity, and ethical behavior in rural environments (5, 6). Yet economic demands that require prolonged physical labor often reduce participation in religious practices, including communal prayers, study circles, and Yasinan gatherings, a phenomenon similarly described by Hefner (1987) in his analysis of rural Javanese Muslim communities where economic routines shape patterns of religious involvement (7). Observations and interviews in Pajar Bulan indicate that although core beliefs, such as belief in God and the pillars of faith, remain intact, active engagement in religious practices has become inconsistent. This decline contributes to reduced interpersonal interaction, lower participation in religious events, and weakened spiritual routines, which collectively erode shared values and mutual trust.

This study addresses an important gap by examining how patterns of religiosity shape social behavior among farmers in Pajar Bulan. Previous research has largely emphasized urban religious dynamics or economic aspects of rural livelihoods, offering limited insight into how religiosity and social behavior intersect within agrarian Islamic communities (8). The novelty of this study lies in its qualitative, field-based approach that explores how religious practices contribute to or fail to maintain social cohesion amid economic pressures. Using sociological and psychosocial frameworks supported by field observations, interviews, and community analysis, this research evaluates not only levels of religious observance but also the social consequences of religious disengagement. The findings offer insights for scholars, local leaders, and policymakers seeking to strengthen community solidarity through religious and social interventions (9).

Methodology

Study Design and Rationale

This study employed a qualitative case study design to explore how religious practice patterns influence the social behavior of Muslim farmers in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan, Kecamatan Way Tenong, Kabupaten Lampung Barat, Indonesia. The qualitative framework was selected because the research aimed to understand subjective experiences and social meanings rooted in the community’s religious life. A case study approach enabled the researcher to conduct an in-depth, contextually rich examination of socioreligious dynamics within a rural agrarian environment, capturing naturally occurring interactions, traditions, and religious expressions that shape community behavior.

Population, Sampling, and Participants

The population consisted of 175 Muslim farmers registered under Gapoktan Bina Tani, which represents the entire Muslim farming population in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan. However, because not all members met the study’s eligibility criteria, only 10 key informants were selected through purposive sampling. These informants were chosen based on their age range of approximately 30 to 65 years, representation from both men and women, a minimum residence of ten years in the village, and active involvement in religious activities such as pengajian, Yasinan, marhabanan, and congregational prayers. In addition to religious participation, informants held social roles that positioned them as knowledgeable community members, such as religious leaders, village officials, respected senior farmers, and community members known for consistent religious observance. These criteria ensured that each informant possessed adequate experiential insight into the religious and social life of the community.

Data Collection Instruments and Procedures

Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, non-participant observation, and document analysis. The interview guide was developed with direct reference to Glock and Stark’s five dimensions of religiosity, ensuring that each question reflected a theoretical construct of belief, religious practice, experience, knowledge, or consequences. For example, informants were asked how Islamic beliefs guided their daily decisions, how often they attended communal religious activities, how they experienced spiritual motivation during farming, how they acquired religious knowledge, and how their religiosity influenced their social behavior toward neighbors. Interviews lasted between forty-five and sixty min, were conducted in Bahasa Indonesia, audio-recorded with consent, and transcribed verbatim. To strengthen methodological transparency, verbatim quotations such as informants describing feelings of spiritual discomfort when neglecting prayer were incorporated into the Findings section.

Observations were carried out over a period of three months in locations where religious and social activities commonly occurred, including Masjid Al-Falah, Mushalla Al-Mubarok, several residential homes hosting Yasinan or marhabanan, and coffee plantations during the annual metik ritual. The researcher maintained a non-intrusive presence while documenting patterns of participation, interactions within activities, and expressions of religiosity embedded in daily life. In total, twelve religious gatherings were observed, allowing the researcher to capture both routine religious practices and culturally embedded ritual events. Document analysis supplemented the primary data and included religious meeting notes, community activity reports, and relevant photographic documentation.

Data Analysis

Thematic content analysis was employed to interpret the qualitative data. The process began with open coding to identify initial concepts emerging from interview transcripts, observation notes, and documents. These preliminary codes were then refined into broader categories through axial coding, which arranged the data according to relational patterns that corresponded to Glock and Stark’s religiosity dimensions. Finally, selective coding was conducted to integrate the categories into a coherent explanatory framework linking religious practices to social behavior among farmers. NVivo 12 qualitative analysis software was used throughout the process to store transcripts, organize codes, and visualize thematic relationships. Validity was strengthened through methodological triangulation and member checking, ensuring that interpretations accurately reflected participants’ lived experiences.

Ethical Considerations

This study received ethical approval from the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Ushuluddin and Religious Studies at Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung. All participants provided written informed consent prior to participation and were assured of confidentiality, anonymity, and voluntary involvement. Participants were also informed of their right to withdraw from the research at any stage without consequence.

Results

Religious Patterns and Social Behavior Among Farmers

Field observations and interview data indicate that the religious life of Muslim farmers in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan is manifested through routine worship, participation in community-based religious activities, and the embedding of religious expressions into daily agricultural work. Religion constitutes an integral aspect of everyday life, although the degree of involvement varies across individuals depending on age, workload, and household responsibilities. Many farmers reported that demanding farming schedules and physical exhaustion often reduce their opportunities for social interaction outside major religious or communal events. Nevertheless, religious expressions such as offering greetings, expressing gratitude to God for harvests, and acknowledging divine providence remain consistently evident in their daily conversations and behavioral patterns.

Belief Dimension in the Religious Life of Farmers

Interview data reveal that farmers possess a strong belief in Islamic teachings and view divine authority as central to both personal and social conduct. Informants such as Misran and Iyan frequently expressed reliance on God when discussing agricultural outcomes, unpredictable weather conditions, or personal hardships. This belief is reflected in routine practices, including reciting short prayers before beginning farm work, invoking God’s name when encountering difficulties in the field, and expressing gratitude following a successful harvest. Several informants described a sense of calmness and reassurance arising from their belief in divine support, particularly when confronting the uncertainties of agricultural life. These expressions were consistently observed during informal conversations, household visits, and periods of rest after fieldwork.

Ritual Practice Dimension

Communal religious rituals form a central element of community life in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan. Weekly pengajian sessions are conducted not only on Friday mornings but also on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday, rotating between residents’ homes and local prayer halls. During the observed session on 29 March 2019 at Mushalla Al-Mabarok, activities included Qur’anic recitation, a lecture on the significance of the month of Muharram, collective supplication, and a shared meal prepared collaboratively by participants. These gatherings were attended primarily by women, although men were present at several occasions.

Yasinan gatherings are held every Thursday night after the evening prayer and involve the recitation of Surah Yasin, prayers for deceased family members, and communal supplications. An observation on 28 March 2019 in the Mekar Jaya neighborhood showed active participation from men and women across different age groups. These gatherings rotate among households and occasionally take place in mosques.

Seasonal rituals particularly the metik ceremony held annually before the coffee harvest remain important in the community. During metik, family members gather at the plantation, led by the eldest relative, to offer prayers of gratitude for the anticipated harvest. The ritual concludes with a communal meal featuring dishes such as tumpeng, surabi, leupeut, and grilled chicken. In addition, the marhabanan ritual is performed to welcome newborns through shalawat, berzanji, prayers for the child’s well-being, and shared meals.

Daily worship practices, especially the five obligatory prayers (salat), are observed by most residents but are occasionally disrupted by exhaustion, unclean clothing after fieldwork, or limited time. Farmers such as Iyan and Evi reported irregularities in performing daily prayers due to demanding work schedules. Nevertheless, congregational prayers at Masjid Al-Fallah remain active during Subuh and Maghrib, supported by loudspeaker announcements reminding residents to attend.

Fasting during Ramadan is widely practiced, although several informants stated that they were unable to complete the full month due to the physical demands of agricultural labor. Zakat and charitable giving are consistently performed, with zakat distributed in rice or monetary form through mosque committees. Acts of mutual assistance such as sharing vegetables, offering harvest produce, or providing small loans were frequently observed and regarded as expressions of religious responsibility and community solidarity.

Spiritual Experience Dimension

Spiritual experiences among farmers are expressed primarily through dzikir and do’a. Communal dzikir is performed after congregational prayers in mosques, while individual dzikir is practiced quietly at home or during breaks in agricultural activities. Many informants described prayer as a source of calmness, reassurance, and emotional strength. During the metik ceremony, farmers collectively offer prayers of gratitude, demonstrating the integration of spiritual experience into agricultural cycles. Observations during community gatherings also revealed frequent moments of silent reflection, spontaneous supplication, and expressions of gratitude.

Internalization of Religious Values

The internalization of religious values is reflected in the community’s high level of social cooperation, willingness to assist others, and strong sense of mutual responsibility. Field observations show that residents readily support one another during weddings, funerals, and traditional ceremonies without expecting compensation. Volunteerism is widespread, with men contributing labor for event preparations and women coordinating shared meals. Community members also demonstrate hospitality toward newcomers, integrating them into activities such as pengajian, yasinan, and local gatherings. Religious leaders, particularly Pak Marzuki, frequently provide guidance through informal sermons and discussions, emphasizing ethical behavior, patience, and respect, which further reinforce internalized religious norms.

Religious Knowledge Dimension

Religious knowledge is obtained through both informal and semi-formal learning settings within the village. Participation in pengajian, yasinan, and majelis taklim serves as an important avenue for religious instruction. Several informants reported that before 2014, many community members especially older women were unable to read the Qur’an fluently. Following the revitalization of the majelis taklim in 2014, the community experienced considerable improvements in Qur’anic literacy and understanding of basic Islamic teachings, including fiqh ibadah and daily etiquette. Religious education is also delivered through short sermons before Maghrib and Isya prayers, during which religious leaders provide concise instructional messages. These developments have contributed to a noticeable increase in religious awareness and improved religious practice among the residents.

Influence of Religious Patterns on Social Behavior

Field findings indicate that religious patterns significantly shape social behavior among the farmers. Participation in communal religious activities such as pengajian, yasinan, and harvest rituals creates consistent opportunities for social interaction and strengthens community cohesion. Informants frequently noted that values such as patience, gratitude, respect for elders, and mutual cooperation are emphasized during religious gatherings and subsequently practiced in daily life. Despite variations in economic status, residents maintain harmonious relationships, with religious activities serving as inclusive spaces that bring together individuals from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. Informants also emphasized that religious teachings encourage positive relations with neighbors, providing assistance during hardships, and upholding moral conduct in daily interactions.

Discussion

The findings of this study demonstrate that religiosity among Muslim farmers in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan operates as an integrated system in which belief, ritual practice, spiritual experience, internalization, and religious knowledge interact to shape social behavior. These findings align with previous studies indicating that religiosity serves as a cultural and moral framework within rural Muslim communities (10), The interdependence of these dimensions underscores the holistic nature of religious life, supporting earlier theoretical perspectives that religiosity fosters social affiliation, emotional security, and collective identity (11).

The strong belief in God expressed by farmers functions as a moral compass that directs daily behavior, echoing the observation that religious conviction significantly influences subjective well-being and ethical choices among rural populations (12). However, the belief dimension in this context reflects a pragmatic, non-theoretical understanding of theology, suggesting that religious ideas are operationalized primarily through practice rather than doctrinal articulation. This contrasts with some urban contexts where belief is often expressed through formal theological discourse.

Ritual practice plays a decisive role in reinforcing community cohesion. Collective gatherings such as pengajian, yasinan, and metik ceremonies act as mechanisms for mutual support, social regulation, and identity maintenance, consistent with findings that agricultural rituals strengthen social solidarity (13). Yet the results also reveal a contradiction: while collective rituals are consistently practiced, individual religious observance such as daily prayers or fasting is more vulnerable to disruption due to economic pressures. This nuance contributes to existing literature by illustrating how labor-intensive agrarian life creates asymmetrical patterns of religious adherence (14).

Spiritual experience contributes to psychological resilience among farmers, especially through dzikir and do’a. These practices provide emotional stability and inner strength, which is consistent with studies highlighting the role of spirituality in coping with environmental uncertainty and physical hardship (15-17). In the context of Pajar Bulan, spiritual experience appears less about extraordinary mystical encounters and more about cultivating patience, gratitude, and emotional balance, offering a grounded expression of spiritual resilience.

The internalization of religious values is reflected in community solidarity, mutual assistance, and ethical behavior, confirming sociological theories that link religious commitment with prosocial conduct (18). This pattern of mutual aid and voluntary cooperation also resonates with Tsing’s (1993) analysis of rural social relations, where communal support networks serve as key mechanisms for maintaining cohesion in agrarian settings. However, the findings add depth by showing that religious values manifest not only in formal worship but also in non-ritual actions such as helping neighbors during life-cycle events or providing material support to struggling families (19). This demonstrates that religiosity, in this setting, extends beyond doctrinal adherence and becomes embedded in everyday social ethics.

Religious knowledge, though initially limited by time and access, has improved through growing participation in majelis taklim and religious education initiatives (20). As understanding deepens, so does the community's ability to align daily actions with Islamic principles (21). This strengthens individual agency and promotes a more conscious integration of religious values in farming life (22). However, unlike communities where religious knowledge remains segregated from economic life, farmers in Pajar Bulan increasingly integrate religious learning with their daily routines. This suggests a merging of spiritual and economic consciousness, which is a significant contribution to the study of rural Islamic sociology.

Overall, the integration of religiosity into the social fabric of Kelurahan Pajar Bulan demonstrates how religious life provides moral continuity, social order, and emotional resilience (23). At the same time, the findings highlight complexities, such as variations in individual ritual adherence and differing levels of religious knowledge. These nuances support the argument that religiosity in rural contexts functions as both a stabilizing cultural force and an adaptive mechanism in response to socioeconomic pressures (24). This study contributes to the broader discourse by illustrating how religiosity in agrarian Muslim communities operates not merely as belief or ritual, but as a lived, multidimensional system that reinforces social cohesion and guides collective resilience.

Conclusion

The findings of this study demonstrate that religiosity among Muslim farmers in Kelurahan Pajar Bulan is expressed as a negotiated and adaptive process in which spiritual identity, daily obligations, and collective expectations intersect. Although economic pressures and physically demanding agricultural routines often disrupt individual observances such as daily prayers and fasting, farmers actively negotiate their religious identity through expressions of remorse, informal justifications, and selective strategies for maintaining spiritual commitment such as prioritizing congregational prayers, engaging in dzikir, or participating in communal rituals when individual worship becomes challenging. These negotiations are socially recognized and rarely condemned, as the community evaluates religious devotion not solely through ritual consistency but also through markers of moral behavior, cooperation, and participation in collective religious life. The multidimensional character of religiosity encompassing belief, ritual practice, spiritual experience, internalization of values, and religious knowledge continues to shape social norms, reinforce mutual assistance, and sustain ethical conduct across the community. While communal rituals such as pengajian, yasinan, marhabanan, and metik remain consistently practiced and serve as key sites of social cohesion, improvements in religious knowledge through majelis taklim have further strengthened moral awareness and interpersonal solidarity. However, the extent to which religiosity enhances long-term community resilience remains indirect, as resilience was observed primarily through social cooperation rather than explicit religious framing. Likewise, although religious patterns appear stable, future research is needed to examine how these practices evolve under intensifying economic pressures or generational changes. Comparative studies across rural settings and longitudinal research will provide deeper insight into how religiosity adapts within shifting socio economic landscapes.

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